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  Democracy Rules the Marketplace   Democracy Rules the Marketplace  Randall Frost  
         
 
Democracy Rules the Marketplace Many branding professionals believe that the marketplace is in fact more democratic than the voting booth, in so far as the market expresses popular opinion through the interplay of supply and demand and market polls. A few branding experts even feel that the marketplace is more democratic than any of the formal democratic institutions — including elections and government.

Says Josephine Wong, co-founder of Apogee Communications in Hong Kong, “If consumers are not happy with the brand, they simply do not buy, and the corporation has to adjust according to what the consumers want. On the other hand, if the voters voted the government, they then do not have much control over it for at least a term.”

 
Thomas Hotko of Thomas Hotko Marketingberatung in Vienna adds: “By the number of singular decisions and by their frequency, consumers undoubtedly have more effect on what is on the shelf than who sits in parliament.”

Jann Sabin, president and creative director of CreativeDepartmentUSA, says, “I don't think that votes cast at the polls have anything to do with what government policies are enacted. They are about what candidate gets elected. We then are at the mercy of good faith to assume that policies promised are actually implemented. For that reason, I'd say that dollars spent are more accountable. You can be sure that corporations will ultimately invest in the profit winners and eventually drop the losers.”

Along the same lines, Errol Saldanha of Saldanha Inc. in Toronto adds, “People would be more surprised if Volvo built an unsafe car, than if a politician didn't keep his or her word.”

Colin Bates, founder and director of BuildingBrands Ltd. in Hong Kong, notes that, “Branding is based on a pure 'one man, one vote' form of democracy that is seen in only a few democratic systems.” Referring to the US President, Bates says, “If George Bush [were] a brand, he wouldn't have won the presidency. He would be a Pepsi to Al Gore's Coke. He didn't have the support of the majority of the people, he was a 'runner up' brand, not a leading brand.”

There are of course fundamental differences between governments and the marketplace. Observes Nadeem Bux, managing director of Red Climate in London, “Governments have to deal with a broader context than commercial organizations. With their narrower frameworks and focused objectives, [brands] can react quicker and more dynamically to changing markets[…]. [Governments] are not obliged to always follow the consensus of the electorate on every issue and they do not ask the people to vote on every single decision they have to make. They do not exist just to appease public opinion.”

Still, there is a growing sense among many observers that business has overtaken politics as a force for social change.

Complicating matters is that governments may be brands in themselves. Says Tyler Cowen, professor of economics at George Mason University in the US: “I think [governments] are brands. They’re tricky brands because there are so many different groups, agencies, branches, putting together the brand image. But in some sense I think it’s what we get right now.” The challenge would therefore seem less to turn governments into brands than to make them more responsive to their constituents.

Consider as points of comparison:

  • Brands are empowered by responding to what consumers want but governments acquire power through their ability to threaten with punishment.
  • In politics, voters cast ballots for a promise or intention, but in the marketplace, consumers buy a finished product.
  • Brands represent a spectrum of consumer choice. Selecting a particular brand does not guarantee there will be losers in the marketplace, but ballot voting is an all-or-nothing proposition that ensures that one person will win, and someone will lose.
  • Voting by ballot does not tell a winning politician exactly what the voter liked about the political campaign. Voting by pocketbook sends a comparatively clearer message.
  • Cost-benefit ratios are more easily calculated for brands. When you vote for a brand, you pay at the checkout counter. The relationship between ballot voting and taxes tends to be less clearly drawn.

Interestingly, there has been considerable interest in the past few years in nation branding — the process of turning countries into stronger and more marketable brands. Says Martin Roll, founder and CEO of VentureRepublic, a branding advisory with offices in Singapore and Denmark, “Across the world, many of the proven methodologies of branding are [being] applied to governments and political campaigns. In fact, more and more governments and nations are seeking assistance from branding experts as opposed to spin doctors and other political advisors.”

 
Certainly a country’s brands — as for example Toyota and Sony in Japan or Dior and Chanel in France — contribute much to the way others see the country. Recognizing this, many governments are now using advertising or PR agencies to promote their uniqueness as national brands, with an eye toward giving their exporters an edge over the competition.

Although Thomas Cromwell, president of East West Communications in Washington, DC, believes that the main reason nations seek to brand themselves is to differentiate themselves from other countries, he notes that “a necessary part of the nation-branding process is self-analysis.” Continuing, he says, “I do believe that this process in itself will encourage governments to improve their brands, very much as corporations seek to improve their brands in the marketplace. Improving a government brand almost certainly means improving democratic processes, strengthening the rule of law and increasing transparency."

National branding might potentially also have the added benefit of weakening the role that special interest groups play in politics by making governments more accountable to wider cross-sections of their electorates. Says Cromwell, “In a nation-branding process there are a number of constituencies that need to be accommodated, in particular the strong economic sectors of the economy, such as major industries, or segments of the population that a particular brand can support.”

Like consumer branding, national branding stands to gain from the creative application of scientific marketing principles to gauge and respond to public opinion. Says Sean Rogers, head of the research and strategies group at Off Madison Ave. in Tempe, Arizona, “What governments can learn from branding are the prescribed methodologies; polls are similar to brand benchmarking surveys — there’s an initial query phase, then hypotheses are formed on the product side — what the product should be called or how it should be positioned.”

The interplay between brands and democracy is of course nothing new. The father of American democracy, Thomas Jefferson, never envisioned his particular brand of government working in a non-agrarian society, and the practice of consumer branding arose in part as a response to the breakdown of Jefferson’s world. In the nineteenth century, large migrations of people to cities meant that consumers could no longer know where the goods they purchased came from, and branding evolved as a useful way of letting them know who the producers were. Branding in turn made it possible to market products to large numbers of customers, resulting in increased trade and widespread demand for democratic government.

Kyle Talbot, creative partner with TAN in the Netherlands explains, “Politicians did not give the Dutch, then the Portuguese and the Spanish, and finally the British 'global' political power. Trade did. Just as it has today for America. One could argue that proves that branding is more democratic that government.”

While there is no question that brands have the power to change people’s lives for the better and to shape the world we live in, the challenge of the future will be to harness the marketing principles of consumer branding in such a way that our political institutions become more democratic.    

[22-Mar-2004]

 
  
  

Randall Frost a freelance writer based in Pleasanton, CA, is the author of the forthcoming book The Globalization of Trade. Other work has been published by the New England Financial Journal, CBSHealthWatch, Modern Drug Discovery, Outdoor California and Gale.

     
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